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In a ten-page statement of facts filed with his plea agreement, Flores admitted that in March 2013 he approached a then 15-year-old girl who was working selling roasted corn at a food stand in Puebla, Mexico. After striking up a conversation with her, he bought her a cell phone and programmed his number in it. Over the next several weeks Flores and the girl communicated using that telephone, and later they went on several dates. In May 2013, Flores persuaded the girl to come live with him in Tenancingo, Mexico, which is approximately three hours away by car from Puebla, Mexico. Flores took the girl on a shopping trip to buy her clothes, shoes, makeup, jewelry and undergarments. At first he treated the victim well, though he always controlled her movements and activities and did not give her a key for the hotel room. After about a week, however, he began threatening that he would kill her if she did not do what he said or attempted to run away.
In September 2013, Flores reestablished contact with the girl. In late October 2013, Flores told the girl that she would have to start working as a prostitute at various bars in and around Tenancingo and Puebla. Flores forced the victim to work as a prostitute every night for a week, during which time she serviced 10 or more men a night and as many as a total of 100. Flores also told the girl that they would again cross the border into the United States and travel to Queens, New York, where she would also work as a prostitute. In or around late October or early November 2013, Flores and the victim successfully crossed the Mexico-U.S. border and for several days stayed in various safe houses in the Houston, Texas, area. On November 2 they departed Houston in a Ford Excursion with nine other illegal aliens traveling to various points in the Northeast United States. In the early morning hours of November 4, 2013, their vehicle was stopped for speeding by a Henrico County police officer on Interstate 64 East near the Staples Mill exit in Richmond. At that time Flores and the minor were put into immigration detention and this investigation followed.
Human rights activist, Esther Chavez Cano stated, \"If you want to rape and kill a woman, there is no better place to do it than Juarez\".[61] Katherine Pantaleo, professor at the Department of Criminology at Indiana University of Pennsylvania, argued that women of Juarez became an easy target for men to kill as they were constantly being attracted by maquiladora worksites.[48] The factories provided women higher pay wages compared to other employment opportunities in Mexico.[62] Additionally, maquiladoras were as equally as interested in hiring women. Elvia Arriola explains that employers prefer hiring women because they have smaller hands which are useful in assembling intricate goods, are considered to be more submissive than Mexican men, and are less likely to unionize against the factory.[52] According to Mother Jones, women and young girls compose more than 60% of maquiladora workers.[56] However, maquiladoras refuse to employ pregnant women, as the Mexican government requires companies to provide monetary aid to pregnant employees.[62] As a result, maquiladoras conduct routinely pregnancy test on their female employees, as well as analyze their sanitary napkins every menstrual cycle.[62] Birth control pills are also offered to female employees, but not other health services.[62] Jessica Livingston, scholar, explains that women continue to arrive at Juarez at a rate of forty to sixty thousand per year even with the maquiladoras performing intrusive acts.[62] Leslie Salzinger, a sociologist who worked at a maquiladora in Juarez, argues that women continue to go work at maquiladoras for a sense of independence, an opportunity to own their own money.[63]
Maquiladora corporations and Mexican officials did not take safety measures to protect female employees after the rise of femicide cases in Juarez.[52] Reported by victims families, Mexican authorities blamed the disappearing young girls for living a \"double life\", suggesting they worked as prostitutes at night.[64] In 1999, Chihuahuas State Public Prosecutor, Arturo Gonzalez Rascon, stated \"women with a night life go out very late and come into contact with drinkers. It's hard to go out on the street when it's raining and not get wet\".[65] Melissa Wright, scholar of social justice movements within Mexico at Penn State, reported that Chihuahuas Governor Francisco Barrio did not provide extensive resources to further investigate the murders of women.[66] In 1998 the National Commission for Human Rights issued a report, identifying Mexicos negligence in investigating femicide cases.[59] In the report they stated that Mexico was unable to collect evidence, keep record of how many bodies were found, nor identify corpses correctly.[59] After the report was released, Suly Ponce was appointed as the official prosecutor for the women's deaths, and she testified to witnessing police's carelessness at crime scenes as they would ruin evidence with footprints.[62] There were only three successful captures of murderers. In 1995 Egyptian chemist, Abdel Latif Sharif, a convicted sex offender and employee of a US maquiladora plant was charged with killing a woman.[59] One year later, in 1996 a gang by the name of \"Los Rebeldes\" confessed to killing six women and in 1999 the designated bus drivers for the maquiladora workers confessed to committing five murders. After this success, Mexican police officers attempted to convict more bus drivers for femicide cases.[59] In 1999 four maquiladora bus drivers admitted to 20 murders, however it was later revealed that they were tortured by police into giving a false confession.[56]
Another tragic case was that of Fátima Cecilia Aldrighett, 7, who was kidnapped after school on February 11, 2020; her raped and tortured body was discovered on February 15.[47] When the child's mother was late in picking her up from school, she was turned over to an unrelated woman between the ages of 42 and 45 without identification. When questioned, a representative of the Autoridad Federal Educativa de la Ciudad de México (Federal Educational Authority of Mexico City) explained that if a child is not picked up by a parent or guardian within twenty minutes of school closing time, the child should be taken to the local police.[70] Nonetheless, educational authorities insist that children were turned over to their parents according to established protocol. A MXN $2 million (US$107,000) reward was offered for the woman's capture.[71] The woman was identified by her landlord, and when police searched her house they found clothing and other belongings of Fatima; a drone was used to find the woman and a man suspected of the actual murder. Gladys Giovana Cruz Hernandez, who confessed to strangling the girl, and Mario Alberto Reyes Najara, who was looking for a young girlfriend, were arrested on February 19.[72][73] Members of all political parties have called for legislative reforms;[47] the Chamber of Deputies approved a change in the law to make femicides punishable by 65 years in prison instead of 45 years. Legislators also held a moment of silence for Fatima.[74]
A 2003 survey conducted by the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI) in Mexico found that 47 percent of women that are over 15 years old and in a relationship have experienced some form of domestic violence, and that 96 out of every 100 victims of domestic violence in Mexico are women.[7] In 2016, INEGI found that 43.9 percent of women in a relationship have been attacked by their partner at some point.[5] There are many different types of domestic violence that can occur, including emotional abuse, intimidation, physical abuse, and sexual abuse. A survey conducted by the National Institute for Women in Mexico (INMUJERES) found that 98.4 percent of all cases involving maltreatment of women include emotional abuse, 16 percent include intimidation, 15 percent include physical abuse, and 14 percent include sexual abuse.[7] According to a 2006 survey in Mexico, 38.4 percent of married women suffer from emotional, physical, financial, or sexual abuse from their husbands. As of 2011, this rate has decreased slightly to 28.9 percent.[25] More recently, Nadine Gasman, head of the National Institute for Women in Mexico (INMUJERES) reported in October 2019 that 267 women and girls were victims of violence every day in Mexico.[88]
There are tens of thousands of migrants going through Mexico from Central America and other countries on the journey to the United States.[50] Most of these migrants are from El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua.[89] Migrants are at great risk for different kinds of violence as they make their journey, including kidnapping, threats and assaults.[89] According to a human rights groups situated in Mexico, there are increasing numbers of women and girls attempting to migrate as well. Women and girls are at risk of being victims of sexual violence and sexual assault when they make their journey north. A report by Amnesty International estimates that 6 out of every 10 women migrating through Mexico may be a victim of sexual assault.[50] Migrant women are at risk of sexual violence by gangs, human traffickers, other migrants, and corrupt officers.[89] The risk of sexual assault and rape is so high for migrant women that smugglers, or coyotes, require them to get contraceptive injections before leaving their home country.[89] It is hard for researchers to get statistics on violence against migrant women because these women are unable to report their assault cases out of fear of being deported. In addition, the existing stigma behind sexual violence may cause many of these sexual assaults to go unreported.[89]
With the lack of authoritative force in Mexicos' justice system, women and other members of the population have quit reporting cases overall. The National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI), revealed that women refuse to report their case to authorities due to their lack of trust in the government, it being a waste of time, not having sufficient evidence, or out of fear of their abuser.[111] Furthermore, Irene Tello Arista, executive director of Impunidad Cero, stated that this underreporting \"has a lot to do with discrimination at the time of reporting. Women are treated with prejudices and stereotypes, the authorities ask them is they were drunk, if they had a relationship with the aggressor, if they are sure they want to report\".[113] With no trust in authorities to bring justice to victims, women have avoided contacting them for help.[114] The Mexican government has recognized this underreporting phenomenon as la Cifra negra, the black figure.[110] 153554b96e
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